Big problems call for big solutions
Victor Angelo
Angela
Merkel came to power in 2005 because the Social Democratic Party (SPD) refused
to enter into an alliance with the extreme left, which had its ideological
roots in the defunct German Democratic Republic. If it had done so, the SPD
would have taken the leadership of the new government and Merkel's fate would
have taken a back seat. The SPD, which belongs to the same political family as
António Costa's party, had obtained 34% of the vote in the September
legislative elections, one percentage point less than the CDU/CSU grouping,
which had Merkel as its candidate. After three weeks of negotiations, the Centre-right
and the Socialists reached a governing agreement. The German parliament then
approved the coalition of the two. They represented around 70 per cent of the
electorate.
Merkel,
at the head of the most voted, took over as head of government. She ended up
leading Germany for 16 years, always in coalition. During her last mandate, she
had the leader of the Socialists, Olaf Scholz, as vice-chancellor. On 8
December, Scholz became the new chancellor following elections last September.
He too governs at the head of a coalition, which brings together the Greens,
who are on the left of the political spectrum, and the Liberals (FDP), on the
right. The common programme was negotiated over two months, measure by measure,
always with the aim of reaching a compromise. During the process it became
clear that one can negotiate with everyone except the extremists, the
xenophobes and the enemies of freedom.
The
German political culture is based on the search for platforms of understanding
and the stability of the system. It has been this way since 1949, when Konrad
Adenauer headed the first post-war democratic government based on an agreement
between three parties in what was then the western part of Germany. In short,
it is about maintaining a predictable, balanced course that is representative
of as many voters as possible. A large part of the economic growth,
modernisation and social welfare that defines Germany today is based on the
stability and moderation of those in power.
Annalena
Baerbock, leader of the Greens and now foreign minister, said that the new
government "reflects the diversity" that exists in the country. This
might seem an exaggeration. But the truth is that at the leadership level there
is a will to include and to seek a balance between the interests of the
different segments of society. There is no notion of a "main enemy",
as there is in other political horizons. Whoever thinks of party action in
terms of an "enemy" lives, perhaps without realising it, in a
totalitarian ideological framework, in which political struggle is seen as an
antechamber to the crushing of opponents or as a kind of civil war without
shots being fired. There are no enemies in a democracy among all those who
respect the constitution and understand that the prosperity of each citizen is
fundamental to the progress and security of all.
The
German example is not unique in the EU. Next door in the Netherlands,
multi-faceted government coalitions have also been the norm. As in Belgium,
Italy, Ireland, Finland, Luxembourg and so on. Not to mention the curious case
of Denmark, which has a government composed exclusively of social democrats
(socialists) but enjoys stable parliamentary support from three left-wing
parties.
Advanced
democracies are based on the search for broad consensus. Half plus one may be
enough to have a majority in parliament and set the governing machine in
motion. It is, however, a minimalist and only formal conception of democracy.
The digital revolution, global competition, the enormous energy, security and
social challenges, all this and much more can only be dealt with in the
necessary depth if there is a broad common will to reform, modernise, simplify
and protect. We have very complex issues ahead of us.
(Automatic translation of the opinion piece I published in the Diário de
Notícias, the old and prestigious Lisbon newspaper. Edition dated 14 January
2022)
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