Europe's strategic autonomy
Victor Ângelo
Tianjin
is a port city, a little more than a hundred kilometres southeast of Beijing.
When the European powers established concessions in China, since the middle of
the 19th century, this was one of the localities chosen as a gateway, with the
advantage of being close to the capital. Today, it is a metropolitan zone that
covers an area larger than the district of Beja - imagine the entire Baixo
Alentejo urbanized, a landscape of skyscrapers with more than 15 million
inhabitants. In 2025, Tianjin should have an economy two and a half times the
size of Portugal.
The
Tianjin example shows how important it is to see the world with realism. China
is an unstoppable giant. It has in its favour the size of its population,
authoritarian centralism of power, political will, and massive investment in
science, technology, and the acquisition of raw materials. In this context,
what future can Portugal, or any of most European countries, have in the global
balance of power? Fortunately, there is the European Union. The productive
integration and the pooling of political efforts allow the member-states to
carry some weight in international economic relations and in the geopolitical
chess game. If there were no other reason to justify the deepening of the EU,
this alone would be enough.
This
is where the question of Europe's strategic autonomy arises. It is part of the
ritual of the speeches now in vogue. But it needs to be deepened and
transformed into an action plan. That is why I will address three aspects of
the subject today, leaving the defence and security dimensions for another
time.
In
this decade, the first major step towards the affirmation of Europe is the
strengthening of the euro as an international means of payment as well as a
monetary reserve currency. The European currency is already the second most
used in global transactions, well above the Japanese yen and the Chinese
renminbi, but it is still far behind the US dollar. It is essential, to allow
autonomy in other areas of sovereignty, that there be the political will to
accelerate the use of the euro in economic and financial relations with the
most diverse regions of the globe. This discussion must get on the agenda of
European political leaders. This is not a mere technical problem or a question
of waiting for the dynamics of the markets. It is a strategic priority.
The
second line of intervention concerns foreign policy. At present, except for the
climate issue, Europe's position on major issues is defined by two negative
features: subordination to the conveniences of the United States and
fragmentation, a consequence of the individual interests of the Union's member
states. The EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
represents little more than himself. The current holder of the post, Josep
Borrell, although more experienced than the two previous holders, does not show
the ability to push a proactive and cohesive agenda. This is not the way for
the EU to have a greater voice on the global stage. This is another issue that
cries out for a new kind of agreement at the level of European political
leaderships.
The
third course of action became more evident when the pandemic highlighted the
importance of self-sufficiency in the production of cutting-edge goods and
services. European economies must continually invest in scientific, technological,
and digital innovation, and in the training of citizens. The Social Summit held
in Porto recognized the need for lifelong learning. This is the new way to look
at the competitiveness of our economies. It remains to be determined which
sectors should be considered key, in addition to health, the expansion of
artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, and energy.
Strategic
autonomy does not exclude interdependence and cooperation between us and
others. And it cannot be just talk. It requires clear ideas and appropriate
policies.
(Automatic translation of the opinion piece I published today in the
Diário de Notícias, the old and prestigious Lisbon newspaper)
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