Five theses around the crisis with Russia
Victor
Angelo
1. It is not
acceptable to make political gains based on violating international law.
Vladimir Putin and the Russian regime have attacked the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of Ukraine by starting a war, in flagrant violation of
the United Nations Charter. Therefore, they have no authority to impose
conditions on the country that is the victim of this violence. In today's
world, force cannot be a source of rights. Therefore, following the
condemnation by the United Nations General Assembly on 2 March, the immediate
withdrawal of invading troops from all Ukrainian territory must be demanded.
And to insist on this, even when recognising the reality on the ground and the
need to negotiate with the invaders. I should add, given the seriousness of the
aggression and the possibility of future threats, that the best solution for
guaranteeing peace, now and in the future, involves the political defeat of
Putin. Here, sanctions count for a lot. They must be as focused on political
impact as possible. The EU cannot continue to transfer nearly 700 million euros
to Russia every day in payment for gas and oil imports. European leaders must
be able to explain to their fellow citizens that tomorrow's peace and
tranquillity require sacrifices in the present.
2. The
protection of civilian populations in a situation of armed conflict is an
absolute priority. International humanitarian and human rights rules,
generally referred to as the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols,
are clear: all parties have an unconditional duty to safeguard the integrity of
civilian populations and property. This includes hospitals, humanitarian
convoys, cultural assets, and residential areas. The first guarantor of this
duty is the UN Security Council. In the specific case of Ukraine, a draft
resolution on this matter, proposed by a member other than Russia, should be
put to a vote in the Council. It is obvious that Russia would use its veto. But
the draft would also have the merit of putting pressure on China.
3. No-fly zone:
the imposition of a no-fly zone contributes effectively to the protection of
civilians. Under normal conditions, a decision of this kind should be taken
by the Security Council, as part of the motion on the security of populations.
If it is decided by a coalition of states alone, outside the Council, it will
always be seen as a declaration of war by the country targeted by the ban.
Thus, if the decision were to come from NATO, we would immediately enter into a
direct conflict between our side and the Russian side. That is why NATO decided
to respond with a categorical no to this request, made insistently by President
Zelensky and repeated daily by some European political personalities, who seem
to ignore the consequences of the issue. It is true that a small group of countries
could declare, without going through NATO, the exclusion from Ukrainian
airspace. But this is not a viable option.
4. China must
get out of its ambiguity and false neutrality and translate its grand
declarations of principles into action. Communication with the Chinese
leadership must be maintained. The US National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan,
had a long meeting in Rome with the Chinese top foreign affairs official, Yang
Jiechi. There was much disagreement, but both sides recognised the importance
of keeping the lines of contact open. Europe's leaders should do likewise and
be in continuous liaison with President Xi Jinping. The alliance between Xi and
Putin must be weakened. This is possible. It is essential to strike a very
sensitive chord in China, that of territorial integrity and respect for the
sovereignty of each State. And to insist on the defence of multilateral
institutions, an area where China wants to be a champion, at a time when the
Kremlin is undermining the credibility of the UN. But, above all, it would be a
question of combating the idea that prevails today in Beijing and which
believes that the defeat of Putin would weaken Xi's power, in the year in which
the 20th congress of the Chinese Communist Party is being prepared. Rather, it
must be shown that Putin's continuation damages the international image of his
main ally and adversely affects the economic prosperity of all. China holds one
of the keys to solving the Russian crisis.
5. The
geostrategic paradigm has changed.
It is no longer relevant to look at international relations on the basis of the
framework of analysis constructed in the last thirty years, in the period
following the Cold War. Geostrategy now has a strong human dimension. It is no
longer just about defending the state, the regime and securing zones of
influence. People, their individual and collective security, their physical and
spiritual integrity, have become part of the equation. Alliances between states
must be based on ethical principles and values that respect citizens and allow
them to be free and to live in peace, without fear or blackmail of war, and
without hypocrisy.
(Automatic
translation of the opinion piece I published in the Diário de Notícias, the old
and prestigious Lisbon newspaper. Edition dated 18 March 2022)
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