Nietzsche responded to my letter

To the "Good European," Victor Ângelo,

You write to me from the mountaintops of a new century, yet your ink is stained with the same ancient anxieties that haunted my own walks in Sils Maria. You tell me that the "international order" has perished. I ask you: Did it ever truly live? Or was it merely a long, gilded shadow cast by a sun that had already set?

You speak of Political Nihilism. You describe the "law of the strongest" as if it were a new infection. But look deeper! What you call "order" was often but a clever mask—a morality of the herd designed to restrain the few who dare to act. When the mask falls, the void stares back. You are terrified because you see the "Will to Power" stripped of its polite diplomatic dress. You see the Kremlin’s brute force, and others', and you call it the end of the world. I tell you, it is merely the world revealing its true, chaotic face.

You gather in Davos to seek a "Spirit of Dialogue." How British! How civilised! But beware: dialogue is too often the refuge of those who no longer have the strength to command. You seek to "reconstruct" the system. But one does not reconstruct a temple whose foundations were built on the illusions of a bygone era. If you wish to overcome this nihilism, you must not look back at the ruins of the twentieth century with nostalgia. You must have the courage to create new values that do not depend on the ghosts of 1945.

I am intrigued by your mention of this Mercosur pact. You see it as a "bridge," a sign of "sober optimism." Perhaps. But is it a bridge to a new greatness, or merely a sturdier fence for the marketplace? If this agreement is born of a genuine "Will to Create"—a partnership between the Old World and the New to define a future independent of both the tyrant’s sword and the merchant’s greed—then, and only then, is it an act of Overcoming.

You call for European Defense Autonomy. Finally! The "Good European" awakens from his long, comfortable sleep. To defend oneself is the first step toward self-mastery. But do not defend yourself merely to preserve the "old comforts." Defend yourself so that Europe may once again become a laboratory of the spirit, rather than a museum of dead ideas.

Do not fear the "Death of the Order," my dear Diplomat. The death of an old god is always the birth of a new freedom. The question is not whether the order has perished, but whether you—and those who gather in the Swiss snows—have the stomach for the vacuum that remains.

Can you walk upon the abyss without looking back? Can you create a world that does not require a "God" or a "Secretariat" to tell you what is just?

I leave you with this: The ice is melting, but the air is brisk. Do not seek "optimism"—that is a drink for the weak. Seek Strength. Seek Greatness.

Yours from the heights,

Friedrich Nietzsche

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My letter to Friedrich Nietzsche concerning the current international disorder

 Lisbon, 16th January 2026

My dear Friedrich,

I find myself writing to you from a century that you might well have prophesied, yet one which would surely have left even you aghast. You will recall how, in the waning years of the nineteenth century, you famously proclaimed—with characteristic gravitas—that "God is dead." Your assertion was not an observation of a divine passing, but rather a warning: the Christian moral compass had ceased to guide our traditional values, and the dawning era demanded a radically different ethical framework. You were alerting us to the profound disorientation that inevitably accompanies a paradigm shift, urging us to reflect upon what might follow.

Were you alive today, my dear Friedrich, you would perhaps observe that "the international order has perished." Such a statement would signify that the global legal and institutional architecture—which slipped into a comatose state in February 2022—has finally drawn its last breath at the turn of this year, following the recent proclamations and upheavals that have shattered the international stage.

Following this vein of thought, one might argue that we are presently enduring a period of political and moral nihilism. Fundamental norms, such as the sovereignty of states and the prohibition of the use of force, are being openly flouted by global powers. As was noted in a recent exchange with the New York Times, the only prevailing moral framework appears to be that which is dictated by those who hold the reins of power. This is the very quintessence of nihilism. Institutions and conventions are dismissed as obsolete and ineffective; thus is the fate of the United Nations, which has been systematically marginalized by the leaders of the Great Powers.

It is within this nebulous and uncertain context that the Davos summit commences next week, continuing until the 23rd of January. Hundreds of leaders—drawn from the spheres of governance, commerce, and civil society—shall gather in the Swiss mountains under the banner of a "Spirit of Dialogue." It is heartening to speak of dialogue at a time when it is so conspicuously absent. It is vital that we eschew a posture of weariness or cynicism in the face of these complex new realities. Our current challenges demand courage, candour, and heightened diplomatic finesse.

For the first time, we anticipate a large-scale participation from the Global South. This shift serves as a poignant reminder that any viable future must account for the interests and anxieties of nations beyond the Western aegis. These emerging voices remind us that we must reconstruct the multilateral system, integrating rising economies into a balanced global trade framework while addressing the crises of development, sovereign debt, public health, and the climate.

The American President shall be present in Davos, where a meeting is scheduled with President Zelensky and European leaders who remain steadfast in their support for his peace plan. While this is a significant development, I remain convinced that we are yet far from seeing Vladimir Putin accept such terms. Of late, the Kremlin has intensified its aggression, signalling that it prizes war and the raw violence of force above all else. For Putin, the international order that stood for decades has indeed expired.

We Europeans must prepare ourselves for the consequences of this new paradigm—specifically, the threat emanating from the Kremlin and elsewhere. Thus, beyond discussing Europe’s contribution to a distant peace plan, it is indispensable that we accelerate cooperation between European states and invest, in a coordinated fashion, in the strategic defense autonomy of our geopolitical space. In doing so, we acknowledge that the world has changed and is, for the time being, a perilous place to inhabit.

Simultaneously, Europe must play a more proactive role—in alliance with the democracies of the Global South—in reforming the multilateral system, most notably the United Nations. This task allows us to view the future with renewed optimism and to build bridges with other regions of the globe. The message is clear: Europe remains a believer in the sanctity of international law and stands ready to contribute to a rebalancing of relations between states.

The signing of the EU-Mercosur Trade Agreement, taking place tomorrow in the Paraguayan capital, illustrates the path we must follow. The presence of Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa in Asunción to sign an accord that required decades of gestation belying, in some measure, the thesis that the international order has utterly failed. It is my hope that Davos will also reveal that, even in this age of uncertainty, there remains ample room for the imagination and the will to treat the future with optimism.

Yours in profound reflection,

Victor Ângelo