Showing posts with label governance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label governance. Show all posts

Saturday, 25 October 2025

Democracia e Poder na Era da Incerteza: Uma Mesa-Redonda Através do Tempo

Este é o relatório de uma mesa-redonda imaginária sobre democracia, presente e futura. Esta discussão entre três pensadores foi moderada por este blog com a assistência do M365 Copilot.

Introdução: A Democracia chegou a uma Encruzilhada

A democracia, outrora celebrada como a garantia máxima de liberdade e estabilidade, agora enfrenta um paradoxo. É globalmente dominante, mas profundamente frágil. Das ondas populistas à governança algorítmica, das crises climáticas à fragmentação geopolítica, a questão já não é se a democracia prevalecerá, mas se ela se consegue adaptar sem perder a sua essência.

Para explorar esse dilema, meu blog reuniu uma extraordinária mesa-redonda fictícia: Platão (Grécia, século IV a.C.), o filósofo que primeiro analisou as vulnerabilidades da democracia; Yuval Noah Harari, historiador e futurista nascido em Israel (1976); e Victor Ângelo (nascido em 1949 em Portugal), diplomata veterano, estrategista de segurança e colunista. O diálogo assim gerado atravessa milênios, entrelaçando sabedoria antiga com urgência contemporânea.

I. Platão: Os Perigos do Excesso de Liberdade

Platão começa com um alerta que ecoa através dos séculos:

“A democracia surge da liberdade, mas a liberdade sem restrições gera desordem. Quando os cidadãos valorizam a liberdade acima da virtude, promovem aduladores em vez de guardiões. Agora, vejo as democracias intoxicadas pela multiplicidade de opiniões, confundindo ruído com sabedoria.”

A crítica de Platão não representa nostalgia pela aristocracia; é um chamamento para uma governança racional. Para ele, o calcanhar de Aquiles da democracia está em sua suscetibilidade à demagogia — uma vulnerabilidade ampliada hoje pelas redes sociais e pela retórica populista.

Platão refere-se então a um estudo de caso histórico: Atenas e a Queda da Polis, um exemplo que recomenda não ser esquecido. No século V a.C., Atenas foi pioneira na democracia direta, concedendo aos cidadãos uma voz sem precedentes. No entanto, essa liberdade gerou volatilidade. Demagogos como Cléon exploraram as paixões populares, levando a decisões imprudentes como a Expedição Siciliana — um desastre que apressou o declínio de Atenas.

II. Harari: Poder Além da Política

Harari muda o foco da teoria política para a realidade tecnológica: “Platão temia as massas populares; hoje, tememos o algoritmo. O poder já não reside apenas nos parlamentos — ele flui por fluxos de dados. O capitalismo de vigilância e a IA moldam as vontades antes mesmo dos cidadãos votarem.”

Harari argumenta que a assimetria da informação — outrora privilégio dos reis — agora pertence aos gigantes da tecnologia. As democracias precisam se reinventar não apenas para regular a tecnologia, mas para redefinir a liberdade numa era em que a autonomia é ameaçada algoritmicamente. Harari mostra preocupar-se com a fragilidade das instituições. E acrescenta que a República de Weimar (1919–1933) oferece uma lição sóbria. Nascida das cinzas do império, abraçou ideais democráticos, mas faltou resiliência institucional. Crises económicas e propaganda minaram a confiança, abrindo caminho para o autoritarismo. As democracias atuais enfrentam riscos semelhantes — não pela hiperinflação, mas pela desordem informacional.

III. Ângelo: A Dimensão Geopolítica

Victor Ângelo traz uma perspectiva prática: “A democracia continua sendo o sistema mais legítimo, mas a legitimidade está sob ataque. O populismo explora o medo; a desinformação corrói a confiança e promove o ódio. Enquanto isso, a governança global perde terreno face às ameaças transnacionais — mudanças climáticas, ciberguerra, cartéis internacionais do crime, pandemias.”

Para Ângelo, o desafio está na no êxito ou no fracasso da ação coletiva. Nenhuma democracia pode ser protegida sozinha, apenas ao nível nacional ou local, quando as crises não têm fronteiras. Por isso, friza a necessidade de alianças de valores, ancoradas em direitos humanos e no Estado de Direito, para enfrentar o ressurgimento autoritário e os choques sistêmicos.

Ângelo lembra o otimismo pós-Guerra Fria que foi substituído agora por pessimismo e medo: “Os anos 1990 foram saudados como o ‘fim da história’ (Fukuyama, 1992), com a democracia liberal aparentemente triunfante. No entanto, o momento unipolar gerou complacência. Instituições como a ONU e a OTAN tiveram dificuldades para se adaptar às novas ameaças assimétricas, enquanto a globalização superou a governança. O resultado: um vácuo explorado por poderes autoritários e atores não estatais.”

Os participantes discutiram então alguns exemplos que mostram as pressões atuais sobre a democracia. Por exemplo, o EU Digital Services Act (DSA) e o Digital Markets Act (DMA) representam esforços pioneiros para regular monopólios tecnológicos e conter a desinformação. No entanto, a sua aplicação permanece desigual, e a governança da IA ainda é embrionária. É também uma questão vista de forma diferente por europeus e, do outro lado do Atlântico, pelos líderes dos EUA e pelos principais empreendedores digitais baseados na América.

Ainda nos EUA, polarização e negação eleitoral têm minado as normas democráticas. O ataque ao Capitólio a 6 de janeiro destacou as vulnerabilidades existentes na resiliência institucional. Ângelo acrescentou que as decisões do Presidente Trump tomadas desde o início do seu segundo mandato desafiaram igualmente a autoridade de instituições-chave que desempenham um papel vital no equilíbrio dos poderes. Essas decisões devem ser vistas como ameaças sérias à democracia constitucional, ao equilíbrio democrático e aos media, entre outros.

Outras situações também foram mencionadas. Índia: A maior democracia do mundo enfrenta desafios resultantes de políticas majoritárias assentes na pertença étnica e nas restrições à liberdade de imprensa, levantando questões sobre o equilíbrio entre estabilidade e pluralismo. O Sul Global: Democracias na África e América Latina enfrentam crises de dívida e choques climáticos, que atores autoritários exploram para minar a governança democrática.

O Moderador pediu então que se identificassem as principais recomendações políticas que poderão responder à tendência para o definhamento das democracias.

Os participantes listaram várias ações que devem ser consideradas:

  • Educação cívica para a era digital;
  • Inserir pensamento crítico e alfabetização mediática nos currículos nacionais;
  • Promover conscientização ética sobre IA entre cidadãos e líderes;
  • Expandir estruturas como o EU Digital Services Act para incluir transparência algorítmica;
  • Estabelecer órgãos multilaterais para governança de IA;
  • Proteger a independência e a eficiência da justiça e dos órgãos de referência da comunicação social;
  • Desenvolver mecanismos de resposta rápida para assegurar a integridade eleitoral e as ameaças cibernéticas;
  • Criar um Fórum de Parceria pela Democracia, no quadro do Sistema ONU, para ação global coordenada;
  • Vincular acordos comerciais a padrões democráticos.

Para concluir a mesa redonda, o Moderador afirmou que a discussão permitiu sublinhar que a democracia não é uma conquista estática; é uma tarefa contínua. Como lembra Platão, liberdade sem virtude conduz à tirania. Harari alerta que adaptabilidade é o preço da sobrevivência. Ângelo destaca que a solidariedade global e verdadeira é o seguro de vida da democracia em um mundo fragmentado.

Antes de encerrar o debate e agradecer aos três participantes, o Moderador levantou uma última questão: Qual é o futuro da democracia?

  • Platão: Sem sabedoria, a democracia é facilmente substituída por tirania. Cultive a razão acima da paixão.
  • Harari: Sem adaptabilidade, a democracia torna-se obsoleta. Aceite a inovação, mas proteja-se dos seus perigos.
  • Ângelo: Sem solidariedade, a democracia enfraquece. Construa confiança — dentro das sociedades e entre as nações.

Moderador: Obrigado, senhores. O diálogo entre a reflexão do passado e a urgência do presente lembra-nos que a democracia não é um dado intocável; a sua defesa é uma tarefa sem fim.

Fim da mesa-redonda imaginária.

Saturday, 26 June 2021

Reflecting about democracy

 Democracy cannot be make-believe

Victor Ângelo

 

In the most developed societies, we are witnessing an acceleration in the digitalisation of all dimensions of citizens' lives. The pandemic has contributed enormously to this digital revolution. But more is coming.  The ability to process millions of pieces of information through new methods of artificial intelligence and advances in automation will allow the control - and, in many cases, manipulation - of people in a way never seen before.

The new digital age brings numerous challenges, and even threats, for democracy. Think, for example, of the role of robots in the multiplication of propaganda, fake news, and the creation of echo chambers, which give the impression of massive political support for some, and build around them all sorts of illusions, alongside the harassment of others, the opponents, with thousands of hostile messages from fake profiles. But the most immediate aspect concerns participation in the electoral act. If a citizen can pay his taxes or renew his identity card while sitting at the kitchen table, why is he not allowed to vote by computer link-up, also from home? Going to a polling station, going through crowds of people, queuing up and wasting time seem like procedures from another time, even if people like Donald Trump try to discredit electronic voting.

Already this week, the French have thrown another challenge into the debate. The abstention rate in the regional elections reached a record high. Two-thirds did not vote. Worse still, around 9 out of 10 of 18–24-year-olds were not ready for the hassle. They just ignored the election calls. Analysts were baffled. In discoursing on the reasons for such indifference, they fell into the same simplism that Marine Le Pen, Jean-Luc Mélenchon and other political personalities had already shown on election night - it would be the fault of the citizens, who found the inconvenience not worth it. And they launched cries to the heavens to lament that such a trend could lead to the death of democracy.

All that is television talk. People - especially young people - do not vote because most of the political class doesn't mean anything to them, doesn't inspire them, has no new ideas, is just more of the same, with too much hubris and too few ethics. This is what is happening in France and other European countries. The main threat to democracy does not come from apathy among citizens. That is the consequence. The cause lies upstream, in the political parties - there are always exceptions - which are generally nothing more than a club of opportunists or fanatics, enlightened by short-sightedness.

The question of democracy is also on the agenda of the European Council meeting that has been held since yesterday, marking the end of the Portuguese presidency. The big question, which has been a long time coming and so far, unanswered, is what to do about the authoritarian governance currently practised in Hungary and Poland. The leaders in these two countries have long systematically violated Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union, which defines the fundamental values on which the EU is based - freedom, democracy, separation of powers and human rights. The lack of an adequate response to these violations is another fuel to the fire that is consuming away the citizens' confidence in democracy and politicians.

Less talked about, but equally important for the vitality of democracy, is having a capable system of administration of justice that is independent of politicians. Citizens need to have confidence in the speedy and efficient functioning of the courts, as a means of defending their rights and correcting injustices. In the age of "digital totalitarianism" this is even more essential. In member states where justice is slow, ill-equipped, and inefficient, we have a problem almost as serious as the authoritarianism that exists elsewhere. Those states have a lame democracy. They should also be the subject of criticism in the European Council. Without effective justice, democracy is an illusion. And the citizens, as the French have now shown, are no longer so easily deceived.

(Automatic translation of the opinion piece I published today in the Diário de Notícias, the old and prestigious Lisbon newspaper)

 

Friday, 2 April 2021

Mozambique and the Northern challenge

Mozambique: a complex crisis

Victor Ângelo

 

 

Following last week’s terrorist attack on the town of Palma, eighteen civil society organisations sent an open letter to the President of Mozambique. In addition to condemning the acts of violence, the letter expressed concern and reminded President Filipe Nyusi that a crisis as serious as the present requires more and better public communication from national leaders.  The recommendation means that the leadership of the country does not pay due attention to the obligation to keep the citizens informed. The practice of playing down the problems is the norm. We cannot be surprised. Opacity, arrogance, and detachment are three of the characteristics that have traditionally defined the political culture of the elites in power in Maputo.

It is also noticeable that citizens do not understand what the government's strategy is, beyond the use of the armed forces, which, by the way, have shown that they are not entirely prepared for the challenge. NGOs do not believe in the national military capacity and know that there is no time to wait for the training of special forces in sufficient numbers. It is true that training special troops is essential. The willingness expressed by the Portuguese government to do so is to be commended. But the situation is urgent, for humanitarian and other reasons. What has now occurred in Palma, and what had already happened in Mocímboa da Praia and other district headquarters in Cabo Delgado province, may spread along the northern coast, especially to areas where Swahili is the lingua franca. NGOs recommend that the authorities ask the Southern African Development Community and the African Union for security assistance. I do not think they will. They do not want critical eyes around or to give the impression that the problem requires regional involvement.

It is clear, however, that this is a more serious conflict than has hitherto been thought. The offensive against Palma was planned in a professional manner. One of the conclusions that must be drawn is clear: behind all this there is an organising hand. It is essential to unmask this hand, which seems to me far more sophisticated than a vague jihadist connection.

Apparently, the central objective is to prevent the gas megaproject, which is being launched in the region, from going ahead. The price of natural gas on the international markets is at an all-time low and the trend is for it to remain that way. It is of no interest to the big gas producers for new competitors to appear, especially one that could have enormous impact. Mozambique's reserves are in third place in Africa, after Nigeria and Algeria. When they will start to be extracted - which will only happen if security is restored in the province - they will be in direct competition with Iran, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, which are respectively the world's third, fourth and eighth largest producers. I am not pointing the finger at anyone, but geopolitics recommends that we look at data like this. Especially if we take into account that future demand for gas could stagnate for reasons of the fight against climate change. International public opinion is less and less favourable to investments in hydrocarbons.

The fundamental point, beyond the clean-up of Palma, humanitarian aid and technical-military assistance to Mozambique, is to try to understand the roots and dynamics of this terrorist offensive. To minimise, to ignore the realities of social exclusion or to insist on stereotypical explanations - including those referring to alleged links to the so-called Islamic State - would be a mistake. We are facing an insurrection capable of serving certain interests and easy to promote. These are fighters who know how to survive with little, without the need for elaborate logistics. The weapons come from desertions, from previous ambushes, now from the attack on Palma, and from the illegal markets for military equipment in East and Central Africa. They do not want to occupy land, but to shoot the representatives of power and generate insecurity in areas with economic interest, but with a weak State presence. They are therefore highly dangerous individuals. They need to be taken seriously, but without simplistic approaches.

   (Automatic translation of the opinion piece I published today in the Diário de Notícias, the old and prestigious Lisbon newspaper)

 

 

 

 

 

Monday, 25 May 2020

Africa Day 2020


Africa Day 2020 was ignored in Europe. The pandemic pushes everything else out of the screen. In past years, today’s celebration would be part of the news in various countries of Western Europe. Now, we are so focused on our surroundings that I get the impression we have forgotten that the world is bigger than our small neighbourhood.

Well, let me congratulate my friends in Africa and wish them a better governed and more united Continent.


Wednesday, 18 April 2018

Democracy based on strong institutions


Why are the EU nations more peaceful and easier to live in than many others? The answer is clear. They are built on democratic values and practices. The competing interests between different segments of society and the differences of opinion are dealt with by well established institutions, such as the parliaments, the justice system, and the trade unions and the business associations. There is also a vibrant mixture of civil society organisations, representing various concerns and strong enough to be free from the grip of the State.

In line with this, it´s obvious that the strengthening of our democracies requires that the role of these institutions be reinforced, and their independence further consolidated.

Institutional democracy is our model. It is not perfect and calls for constant vigilance and protection. But, in general terms, we can say it works, it keeps our conflicts within accepted boundaries.

Thursday, 12 May 2016

The powerful smell of corruption

Today´s Anti-Corruption Summit brought together a few political leaders and some NGOs. 

David Cameron, the convener of the meeting, says the gathering has been a success. I would not go that far. He might have obtained some domestic gains out of it, I would not dispute that. However, I would also add the summit was simply one more step towards a more transparent international order. 

But we are still far away from the goal. It would be a serious mistake to try to fool ourselves about this. Many countries are led by extremely corrupt political elites. Those elites might have paid some attention to the final communiqué of today´s meeting. They will keep a close eye on the implementation of the conclusions. But they know they have many alternatives besides London. Including in other parts of Europe, of course. 

Saturday, 30 March 2013

Congratulations to all Kenyans


Kenya’s presidential results have now been confirmed. And one should note the maturity shown this time by the political elite, particularly by Raila Odinga, who challenged the results through the courts and has now accepted the final verdict. This is a sea change compared with the tragic events that occurred after the last elections in 2007. It is another demonstration that many countries in Africa are moving in the right direction.