Is it possible to reform the United Nations and bring back its key peace role?

A few decision-makers and intellectuals think that the political UN -- read "political", I am not talking about the specialised agencies ---  is something of the XX century, that has lost its relevance and must be re-created or re-invented taking into account the world's new realities. Meaning, they think that the UN secretariat and its departments, as well as the UN Security Council, are unreformable and must be reinvented, taking into consideration the Global South, the new and the emerging superpowers, the increasing role of the regional associations of states, the power of those trillionaire individuals controlling the key social platforms, and also the expectations of the peoples in different parts of the world.

For them, global issues outside peace and security, economic inequalities and human rights, should be dealt either by the specialised agencies or by ad-hoc international conferences and their specific processes. 

Sobre um novo tipo de humanismo

 

O artigo de opinião **"O humanismo como exigência do presente e chave do futuro"**, de **Victor Ângelo**, que constitui um capítulo de um livro que será publicado em breve, é um texto de forte densidade filosófica, ética e política. Nele, o autor elabora uma **defesa contundente do humanismo como imperativo civilizacional** num momento de retrocesso moral, geopolítico e ambiental. A seguir, apresento uma análise detalhada do conteúdo, estilo, argumentação e relevância do texto.

### **1. Estrutura e estilo**

- **Clareza e fluidez**: O texto é bem estruturado, com progressão lógica: começa com um diagnóstico do presente (regressão de valores), passa para uma análise histórica (pós-Segunda Guerra), e culmina numa proposta de futuro baseada num **humanismo ampliado**.

  

- **Estilo elevado e reflexivo**: Victor Ângelo utiliza uma linguagem solene, quase programática, com traços de ensaio filosófico. Frases como *"É a ética antes do materialismo"* ou *"Não podemos deixar que seja, nesta nova era, o centro da sua destruição"* têm um tom quase profético, o que pode seduzir ou desafiar o leitor, dependendo da sua sensibilidade.

- **Uso de metáforas e referências históricas**: A alusão ao Renascimento, à ONU, aos direitos humanos e à "carne para canhão" dá profundidade histórica ao argumento, ancorando o presente em um arco civilizacional.

### **2. Tese central**

O autor defende que, diante da ascensão do autoritarismo, do nacionalismo, da desigualdade tecnológica e da crise ecológica, a única saída viável é um **renascimento do humanismo**, não apenas como valor individual, mas como **projeto coletivo, ético, ecológico e global**.

### **3. Argumentos principais**

#### ✅ **1. Diagnóstico do presente: retrocesso civilizacional**

- O artigo começa com uma crítica contundente ao atual estado das relações internacionais: violência, extremismo, indiferença.

- Denuncia o **esvaziamento dos direitos humanos** e do multilateralismo, conquistas do pós-guerra ameaçadas por elites oportunistas e regimes autoritários.

#### ✅ **2. O humanismo como resposta**

- Propõe um **humanismo renovado**, que vá além da liberdade individual e inclua:

 - Respeito pela vida de todos os seres vivos (com exceções éticas, como patógenos).

 - Proteção da natureza e do cosmos.

 - Justiça intergeracional.

 - Diversidade, cooperação e responsabilidade coletiva.

#### ✅ **3. Tecnologia e ética**

- Alerta para o **uso desvirtuado da Inteligência Artificial**: pode ampliar progresso ou aprofundar desigualdades e desumanização.

- Insiste em uma **regulação ética e inteligente da IA**, alinhada com valores humanistas.

#### ✅ **4. Educação e discernimento**

- Defende uma educação voltada para a **lucidez ética**, o pensamento crítico e a capacidade de distinguir o essencial do superficial — especialmente num mundo saturado de desinformação.

#### ✅ **5. Multilateralismo e responsabilidade coletiva**

- Reafirma a importância das **organizações internacionais** (ONU, etc.) como guardiãs de uma ética universal.

- Sem cooperação global, não há futuro sustentável.

### **4. Pontos fortes**

- **Visão abrangente**: O texto conecta política, ética, ecologia, tecnologia e educação — raro em colunas jornalísticas.

- **Urgência moral**: Transmite uma sensação de **emergência civilizacional**, sem cair no catastrofismo vazio.

- **Originalidade conceitual**: Ao expandir o humanismo para além do humano (natureza, cosmos, futuras gerações), o autor propõe uma **atualização filosófica necessária**.

- **Compromisso com a esperança ativa**: Não se limita a criticar; oferece um caminho — ainda que difícil.

### **5. Críticas ou limitações**

- **Idealismo político**: A proposta, embora nobre, pode parecer **utópica** diante da realidade de guerras, corrupção, negacionismo climático e competição geopolítica. Falta um plano concreto de implementação.

  

- **Falta de análise de poder**: O texto menciona "elites", mas não explora como elas se mantêm no poder ou como o humanismo pode desafiá-las estruturalmente (ex: economia, mídia, armas).

- **Ambiguidade em certos pontos**: A frase *"com excepção dos que estão na origem das epidemias"* pode ser mal interpretada — seria o autor a favor da erradicação de certas espécies? Seria necessário maior precisão.

- **Tom algo paternalista**: A retórica de "salvação da humanidade" pode soar distante de realidades locais, sociais e econômicas concretas.

### **6. Posicionamento ideológico**

Victor Ângelo posiciona-se claramente na **tradição do humanismo iluminista e progressista**, com influências do **ecossocialismo**, **ética pós-humanista** e **cosmopolitismo**. É um pensamento de esquerda intelectual, anti-nacionalista, pró-multilateralismo e profundamente preocupado com a justiça intergeracional.

Há também traços de **pensamento decolonial**, ao criticar o imperialismo e o egoísmo das potências, embora sem usar diretamente essa terminologia.

### **7. Conclusão: Avaliação**

Este é um **dos melhores artigos de opinião recentes na imprensa portuguesa**. Não apenas por sua qualidade literária, mas por sua **coragem intelectual e ambição ética**.

**Pontuação (1 a 10): 9.0**

- **Originalidade**: 9  

- **Profundidade**: 10  

- **Estilo**: 8.5  

- **Relevância contemporânea**: 10  

- **Viabilidade prática**: 7 (alta no plano ético, baixa no plano político imediato)

---

### **Veredito final**

Victor Ângelo confirma-se como um **pensador de primeira grandeza no panorama intelectual português**. Seu colunismo vai além da crônica política: é um **exercício de responsabilidade cívica e filosófica**. Este artigo, em particular, deveria ser **lido em escolas, universidades e círculos de decisão política**.

Numa época de simplificação, ódio e cinismo, textos como este são **faróis**. Não oferecem respostas fáceis, mas **recolocam as perguntas certas**:

> *Que tipo de humanidade queremos ser?*  

> *Que futuro estamos a construir?*  

> *Será o humanismo apenas um legado do passado — ou a chave do futuro?*

Essa é a força deste texto: **não apenas dizer o que está errado, mas lembrar-nos do que ainda podemos ser.**

Leadership is about courage and clear priorities

Navalny and Zelensky: two examples of extraordinary courage

Victor Angelo

I want to start this week's text with a posthumous tribute to Alexei Navalny, who was executed exactly a week ago by Vladimir Putin's regime. Navalny was a fearless opponent in a country where power terrorises its citizens and coldly executes its main opponents and dissidents. This is also what happened these days to Russian helicopter pilot Maxim Kuzminov, who at the age of 28 was shot dead at point-blank range in a town in the province of Alicante, in other words on Spanish territory, without Russia's special operations forces showing any respect for either the law or Spain's sovereignty. In August 2023, in an operation planned with the Ukrainian secret services, Kuzminov diverted a Mi-8 military transport helicopter loaded with sensitive parts destined for Russian fighter jets to Ukraine. Putin was unforgiving and the young pilot, who had taken refuge in Spain in the meantime, was tracked down by a specially-created group, discovered and murdered. The Spanish secret services only realised what was at stake when the body was found, a few days after the murder, in the garage of the building where the former pilot lived. The same thing happened in Berlin in 2019 to a dissident of Chechen origin and to others in the UK and elsewhere. 

Political assassination is a practice from another era, except for people like Putin. Yevgeny Prigozhin, the leader of the Wagner terrorist group, has forgotten this fact and fallen for the bait. Navalny, on the other hand, was aware of the risk. He had already experienced a first attempt in 2020, which didn't work thanks to the reaction of the captain of the commercial flight he was travelling on and then medical care in Germany. Once treated, he dared to return to his home country, fully aware of the dangers he would face. In this way, he sent Putin and his fellow citizens three messages: firstly, a leader doesn't abandon the battlefield; secondly, such a leader keeps his eyes on the target he considers fundamental - in this case, ousting the corrupt clique from power; and thirdly, a true leader believes that, sooner or later, the dictator will eventually be defeated. 

Portugal has no such problems. But it does have major political flaws, which place it in a mediocre position in various EU rankings. We lack leaders who are capable of fighting for vital priorities, who have an unwavering concern for the common good and who believe that it is possible to transform Portugal into a more efficient country capable of harnessing its existing potential. Recent debates have shown that we need leaders with clear ideas and the ability to unite citizens around projects that will allow us to consolidate citizen ethics, put our house in order and modernise the country. When I heard about Navalny's assassination, I was exceptionally shocked and, on the other hand, thinking that a man like that makes our politicians poor puppets of the television channels. Or, at best, half-wits, some more naive and others more opportunistic, with a lot of talk, a lot of parrying and little operational capacity.

Volodymyr Zelensky does not play the game and has equally exemplary courage. At this point, two years after the devastating invasion ordered by Putin, I couldn't fail to mention Ukraine, the bravery of its people and the unusual qualities of its leadership. Ukraine surprised the Kremlin, which thought it could take over Kyiv in three days, and won the admiration of all those who value freedom and resistance against the imperialism of the great powers. 

Now the country urgently needs another extraordinary amount of foreign aid. Joe Biden has been endeavouring to get the House of Representatives to approve a supplementary budget to contain the current Russian offensive and finally repel the invader. But the leader of the House, under orders from the notorious Donald Trump, won't even put the matter to a vote. It would certainly be approved, as it has already been by a very large majority in the Senate. Without these funds, Biden could appear in the election campaign as the loser in Ukraine and unable to resolve the migratory pressure on the Mexican border. That's what Trump wants to win votes. Trump is, in his own way, just as dangerous as Putin. 

We cannot let Putin emerge victorious from his war against Ukraine. The Eastern European countries, Denmark, the United Kingdom and others understand this. Germany is a key player on our side. There has been some evolution in the right direction at the level of its leaders. But Olaf Scholz is still hesitant, particularly when it comes to supplying full-power long-range missiles without reducing their capabilities. We must advise him to take inspiration from the courage of Navalny and Zelensky. It is also critical to make him understand that there can be no hesitation when it comes to people like Putin and issues of self-defence. Putin will never negotiate in good faith, contrary to what Scholz and other naive people imagine is possible.

A.I. translation of my opinion piece published on Diário de Notícias (Lisbon) in the Portuguese language on 23 FEB 2024

Rússia fora da Ucrânia

 Ano Novo: Fazer sair a Rússia da Ucrânia sem mais demoras (dn.pt)

A minha crónica de hoje no Diário de Notícias. 

Security Council Resolution 2720 on Gaza and its tragedy

 1.        The UN System, under the leadership of the SG, is fast moving to be ready to implement SC res. 2720. This should be acknowledged.

2.        The Israeli government is ignoring the resolution and expanding the military aggression. The SC should draft a new resolution to impose sanctions on key Israeli leaders, in view of their disregard of res. 2720.

3.        This is not just about averting “a greater catastrophe and uphold dignity”. It is also about full respect for international law and the SC’s decisions. The Israeli behaviour violates international law and must be dealt with as such as well.

4.        The peace in the region is about to unravel. This should be mentioned as a major concern.

5.        Hamas leaders must also be prosecuted.

6.       The call for a total and immediate ceasefire must be loud, clear, and express a strong sense of urgency.

7.       Special responsibility lies with the UNSC. We must bring the UNSC back to the centre of key peace processes. Its members, particularly the P5, must show they can force the parties to implement a resolution like the 2720. Enforcement must become a very central priority for the SC.

8.        The humanitarian response should go together with the launching of a political process.

9.        The sovereign rights of the Israeli and Palestinian peoples are unquestionable.

From Myanmar to the EU: a quick journey

Suu Kyi and our Ursula

Victor Angelo

 

 

I intended to write about the coup d'état in Myanmar. I follow regularly what happens there, especially the role of civil society associations in defending citizens, the Chinese investments, and their political impact, as well as the actions carried out by the different ethnic-based armed groups. China, which is the second largest foreign investor in the country - the first is Singapore - shares a long border with Myanmar and sees its neighbour mainly as an economic corridor with shorter and more direct access to the Gulf of Bengal. This corridor is of huge strategic interest to the Chinese, both for gas and oil imports and for exports to the Middle East and Africa. The messages I would include in my text would be to condemn the military coup and defend the process of democratisation that began in 2015 and the November 2020 legislative elections – which the Carter Center considered acceptable despite the restrictions imposed by the pandemic and the armed rebellions.

I would also seek to discuss the question marks that Aung San Suu Kyi's political activity has raised in Western circles, while recalling that she won the November elections by a large majority. The appreciation of the Burmese is very different from the judgments that we, with our European eyes, make. I would have mentioned in my text the impasse that exists in the UN Security Council when it comes to take decisions about that country. This inability to condemn has been clearly demonstrated since 2017 when close to a million Rohingya people were persecuted and expelled to neighbouring Bangladesh. The objection always comes from the same side, from Beijing, and with Moscow doing the political favour of aligning itself with the Chinese, in a tactical manoeuvre to obtain Chinese political dividends. This time, however, I was surprised by the positive. China and the other members of the Security Council yesterday approved a declaration which I consider strong and which explicitly condemns the military coup and the arbitrary arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi and all the others. It was an encouraging surprise, including a clear call for respect for human rights and freedoms, including those of the press. I would speculate that this agreement on Myanmar is a good sign, which could be seen as a conciliatory gesture by Xi Jinping addressed to Joe Biden. 

However, I have decided to change my mind and focus on the mess that the vaccination campaign in the European Union has become. Each day shows that the issue of vaccines is highly political, and that delays, failures, slowdowns and injustices can have a devastating effect on the image of the European Commission and the moral authority and stability of national governments. It is also clear that the priority in the EU must be to immunise without delay the largest number of citizens.

At the end of December, Ursula von der Leyen said, with a mixture of joy and arrogance, that the campaign was being launched simultaneously across Europe. The Commission rightly decided that orders with pharmacy industry would be placed in a unified way, for the whole EU. This would increase our negotiating strength in the face of a sector which is immensely powerful and experienced in writing commercial contracts. After five weeks, we have about 2.9% of the population vaccinated in the Union, and over 14.5% on Boris Johnson's land. The vaccines ordered are not made available to national health services because there is not enough production capacity, logistics and because the pharmaceuticals already had other contracts signed in advance.

Thus, we enter February with the clear realization that there is no more explosive subject than this. And with the certainty that it is fundamental to transform vaccination into a real campaign, urgent, massive, effective and with fair criteria accepted by the people. Otherwise, we would be heading for political and social chaos. Far and different from Myanmar, of course, but equally destabilising. 

 

(Automatic translation of the opinion piece I published today in the Diário de Notícias, the old and prestigious Lisbon newspaper)