The
UN Secretary-General made a brief statement today about the current situation
in the Gulf. I see the statement as important. We have reached a very dangerous
crossroads. António Guterres’s message was about restraint, the exercise of
maximum restraint. My call, following his appeal, is for countries such as
Russia, China, Japan and the EU to seize Guterres’s words and repeat them loud
and clear. They should also launch an initiative that would aim at freezing the
situation as it is and, from there, try to establish a dialogue platform. I
know it is not easy. But these are exceptional times. Those countries have the historical
responsibility of making use of their influence. They should try to get both
parties to the conflict to put a stop to escalation. That would be a first but
important step. A most urgent step, for sure.
Monday, 6 January 2020
Sunday, 5 January 2020
A deeply divided Iraq
In
the dangerous and complex situation we have now around Iran, one of the key
losers is Iraq and its population. The country is deeply divided along
sectarian and ethnic lines, has no economy and possesses very little capacity
to respond to the multiple security threats it faces. These are all the
necessary ingredients for an explosive national crisis. And tonight, the
country is a step closer to such crisis. The Shia members of the national parliament
voted a resolution recommending that all foreign armies be asked to leave Iraq.
The Sunni and Kurd sides of parliament boycotted the vote. In fact, they feel
excluded from the current political dispensation. That creates the right ground
for new conflicts.
Labels:
Iran,
Iraq,
Kurdish people,
Middle East,
Shia,
Sunni,
US
Saturday, 4 January 2020
The EU's position on Iranian matters
As
I express my disagreement and concern regarding the decision to execute General
Qassem Soleimani, I must also recognise that the regime he spent his life
fighting for is an aberration in today’s world.
I
acknowledge the rights of the Iranian people to decide about their government
and its politics. The problem is that their leaders do not give the people the
freedom to choose. The leaders have imposed on the population a religion-based
dictatorship, that has all the features of a medieval type of life. The country
has become hell on earth, in the name of God. That is unacceptable, in Iran, as
well as in the neighbouring countries or anywhere else in the world. And that
must be denounced in all kinds of forums. The condemnation is not about
religion, it is about making use of religious beliefs to impose a totalitarian
regime on people.
The
European approach to such countries must combine pressure on human rights and democratic
values with economic restrictions. In addition, it must include serious
security measures to avoid those countries’ hostile actions, including the
promotion they could make of all kinds of radicalism and religious fanaticism. Our
policy must be a delicate mix of firmness, encouragement, dialogue, distance
and prudence. In the end, it is about sticks and carrots, but certainly not about
drones and bombs. It should also be about helping other countries that want to
move away from the influence of those theocratic dictatorships.
This
approach is certainly very different from the one President Trump is pursuing.
That’s our right and nobody in Washington can challenge it. Secretary Pompeo’s
remarks about the role of EU countries – he basically said that key European States
have not been supportive enough of the American action – are not welcome. Here,
as in other occasions, it is our duty to be clear about our policies towards a
very explosive and complex area of the globe. And our policies are not
subordinated to the views in Washington, or elsewhere outside the EU.
Labels:
conflict,
democracy,
dictatorship,
european affairs,
European Union,
human rights,
international affairs,
international law,
Iran,
Iraq,
Israel,
leadership,
Middle East,
MIke Pompeo,
Qassem Soleimani,
Saudi Arabia
Friday, 3 January 2020
Killing Soleimani
The
decision to authorise the deadly attack on General Qassem Soleimani raises many
questions and opens the door to a few uncertainties. In my opinion, it was
taken in the wake of two events that the US Administration considered to be
especially striking.
One
was the attack by demonstrators close to the militias that Iran is supporting
in Iraq against the US Embassy in Baghdad. In Washington's ruling circles, this
incident is seen as very serious. It is also a reminder of dramatic memories, of
what happened in Tehran forty years ago. For the American leadership, the assault
against the embassy is something that cannot go unanswered.
The
other event was the naval military exercise that Iran carried out a week ago
together with China and Russia. The current American Administration did not
want any of these three countries to believe that such maritime manoeuvres
would have any chance of intimidating it or diminishing its resolve. And this
determination and firmness had to be demonstrated without any room for
misunderstanding.
In
deciding, President Trump must also have thought about the impact that such
forceful action would have on his electorate. This is a decisive political year
for him. He needs to show that he does not hesitate when it comes to respond to
those who are presented as the enemies of the United States.
But
we have several problems here.
One
of them is that acting to show strength, based on the principle of an eye for
an eye, a tooth for a tooth, is unacceptable. It opens the door to a spiral of violence
and throws away certain basic norms of relations between states. It is an
historic step backwards. You cannot build peace on retaliation. The
international community has other mechanisms to deal with conflicts and to make
governments that do not obey the established rules reflect.
Another
problem is that this type of decision cannot be taken without measuring all the
consequences that may follow. My analysis of Mike Pompeo's statements is that
these consequences have not been considered. The Secretary of State now talks
of lowering the tension in the region after an act that inevitably leads to an
escalation. It sounds like that neighbour who spends the night with the music
screaming and the next morning tells me on the stairs that we all need rest and
tranquillity.
A
third aspect has to do with the legality and morality of this kind of action.
These two sets of questions cannot be ignored. War itself has its rules. Several
academics have been addressing these issues. There are good pieces of
reflection written about conducting attacks with drones in foreign lands. And
the majority opinion seems to go in the opposite direction to what has now
happened.
Nor
can one ignore the discussion about the military doctrine behind the so-called
"decapitation" of hostile movements. I will not dwell on this
subject, but the truth is that the validity of the theory that advocates the
elimination of leaders to resolve a conflict has much to be said about. Let me
just refer that often the dead leader is replaced either by another leader that
is even more radical. In other cases, we witness a fragmentation of the
movement, with smaller terror groups acting on their own, and a new level of
danger, amorphous and more difficult to combat.
After
all, all this is far more complex than many would have us believe. And this
complexity increases exponentially when a character like Qassem Soleimani is
assassinated by a great western state.
Thursday, 2 January 2020
Responding to the strong men
As
we consider the year ahead, and keep in mind the way some leaders behave, we
should expect some shocks. These are unpredictable times. One must watch the key
radar screens all the time. That means to keep a very attentive eye on people
with real power, from Donald Trump to Xi Jinping, without forgetting Vladimir
Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, or even Narendra Modi, Imran Ahmed Khan, Kim Jong-un,
and a handful of players in the Middle East.
Power
games, deception and confrontation seem to be the main lines of inspiration in
today’s international affairs. They make the world a dangerous place once
again. It would be a serious mistake not to recognise the existing threats to
peace and stability.
The
response ought to be based on moderation, respect for the values that have been
accepted in the last decades and speaking truth to power. To remain silent at
this stage would be unacceptable. 2020 calls for strong and balanced views.
Wednesday, 1 January 2020
The first day of 2020
This
blog will continue in 2020, I hope. The key inspiration will remain to combat
delusion and irrationality in politics. This objective takes into consideration
that some of our political leaders seem to have lost contact with reality and
the aspirations of common people.
Monday, 30 December 2019
Iran and its allies at sea
What
a present, just before the end of the year! Irony apart, the joint naval
exercise that has just taken place in the Gulf of Oman and brought together
Iran, Russia and China aimed at sending a very powerful message to the US and its
allies. And it did.
The
Oman sea lane is especially important for China’s strategic interests. It is,
in my opinion, a top priority among China’s lines of communication with the
world. That’s why they decided to participate. They wanted to demonstrate their
navy’s modernity and outreach. For Russia, it was an opportunity to show they
are back as an international maritime power. Both countries wanted also to send
a message about stability in the region, meaning, their political commitment to
discourage any strike against Iran, because it could have extraordinary consequences
for a large part of the Middle East.
And
in the case of Iran, the message was clear: to show they have powerful allies.
Therefore, they should be left alone.
We
must also note this exercise was a new one. It had not happened in the past.
Sunday, 29 December 2019
Investing in Chinese private security firms
The
Chinese leaders are very much aware that the protection of the infrastructure
built in foreign lands as part of the gigantic Belt and Road Initiative will be
a major issue. Such infrastructure will face a variety of menaces. They also
know they can’t exclusively count on each participating country’s security
apparatus. It’s a fact they will increase the security cooperation with the
States concerned. We will see in the next few years a serious push in the area
of bilateral security cooperation. State to State cooperation, the official
side of the matter, will be competing with the security assistance coming from
Western countries. It will become a new front of tension as well.
However,
the Beijing leaders do not consider that form of cooperation as enough. Consequently,
and without any fanfare, they have opened a new door in their domestic economic
edifice. We are now witnessing a rapid expansion of the private security firms
in China. This is a fast-growing sector of the economy.
My
sources tell me that there are already more than 4,000 Chinese companies ready
to operate overseas and protect their country’s investments. In addition, the
industry related to the production of security gadgets for the use by private
companies is also expanding fast. It is a high-tech sector of the economy. We
should have no illusions about that. Two weeks ago, in Kunming, the capital of
the Yunnan Province, an area that borders Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam, a
beautiful region for that matter, there was a major exhibition of
Chinese-produced security items. Without going into the details, the show was a
major eye-opener. One could see the Chinese are far more advanced in that
industry than what we can guess.
Friday, 27 December 2019
Russia, China and the EU: what's next?
In
the medium term, sometime towards the middle of the forthcoming decade, Russia
could opt for China, in terms of economic and trade relations. Basically, that
would mean China would replace the EU as a market for the natural resources
Russia produces and would become a supplier of finished goods that are today
imported from the West. That could be an alternative for Russia, particularly
if the political tensions with the EU and the sanctions that go along those
tensions have not been resolved.
In
that case, the leaders in the Kremlin could adopt a more adversarial approach towards
the EU. I think we cannot exclude such a scenario as we look ahead.
But,
for now, the Russian population are more prepared for a love-hate relationship
with the rest of Europe. Russians do not feel particularly connected to the Chinese
culture and way of life. There are old mental barriers that are not easy to
overcome. Russians see themselves as fundamentally Europeans – the Christian background
dimension has gained a lot of ground in Putin’s Russia. History has told us that
it is easier to entertain a conflict with those who are our cultural and
geographical neighbours. The real fights are between those who are very much
alike to us. The others, especially if they are far away in terms of geography
and culture, we tend to ignore them. At least until they come knocking at our
gates.
Thursday, 26 December 2019
The delicate EU approach towards Russia
We
quite often forget that politics is about the control of power. Consequently, we
also lose sight of a very fundamental question: what is, in each given
situation, the key source of power?
Political
leaders know they must pay special attention to this question. And that the answer is found in the domestic
arena, not in the field of international affairs. Power is based on the way
domestic politics are played. The domestic voter must be persuaded. The effective
political narrative takes that into account.
Vladimir
Putin knows it. And we should keep it in mind when dealing with him. That is my
message to President Macron, to the politicians in Italy and all those in the
EU who are now advocating a new type of dialogue with President Putin.
Russia’s
relations with the EU will always be a mix of tension and commerce. The Russian
leaders want to keep a certain level of friction. They will picture the EU as a
devilish power, a rival that wants to create chaos in Russia. They must create
an external menace, the EU, as a way of justifying their strong hold on power.
Therefore, they bet on old feelings about Germany – and more recently, on a new
wave of negative feelings about Poland. All this helps them to fuel Russian
nationalism, as well as gain voters’ support. It gives them an excuse for a
strong hand against their internal opponents, presented as foreign agents, and
a justification to spend an extraordinary amount of resources on the Russian
Armed Forces and on the internal security structures. In exchange, the Armed
Forces and the different Police organisations become key pillars of Putin’s power edifice.
But
President Putin cannot ignore the economy. It must turn and generate enough
resources, including those resources required to sustain a certain standard of
living for the population. That means he needs to maintain open the access to
the EU markets. Particularly, for Russia’s gas and oil exports, on one side,
and, on the other, to import food and other goods and services from Europe. The
Russian dependency on European markets, as suppliers and buyers, cannot be ignored.
The
EU relationship with Russia must take such equation present. It’s a combination
of power and economic factors. Interests, yes, but not about shared values, or
common political objectives. As such, it would be naïve to think we can have a
healthy cooperation with Russia, now and in the medium term. It will continue
to be a question of balance between conflict and opportunity.
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