The European Union can only survive
in the hearts and minds of its citizens if it is perceived as political project
that promotes freedom and prosperity, protects the people and facilitates
solidarity among the different nations. If it fails to do so, it will lose the
support and will become a very fragile meeting point of contradictory national
interests. With the current crisis, these goals are being challenged. That is
certainly not a very good foundation for the future. In addition, the new
leadership of the institutions gives the impression of lacking the necessary weight
and audacity. They certainly are very honest people. But that is immensely insufficient
at a time of profound shock and division. I am certainly worried by the current
lack of visibility and initiative coming from the institutions.
Showing posts with label crisis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label crisis. Show all posts
Thursday, 26 March 2020
Sunday, 2 February 2020
We are hiding again behind national borders
One
of the characteristics of the new international disorder is to ignore the role
of international organisations. The conventions, resolutions, principles and
values, which the experience gained during the several decades that followed
the Second World War has built up, are being set aside. The United Nations
System has been relegated to a little corner of the international relations map.
It is simply ignored. Whose fault is it? That’s a matter for a longer debate, but
what is worth emphasising now is that nobody listens to the voices that
emphasise the importance of multilateral responses and international
cooperation. We are back to country-specific decisions, to the primacy of national
interests seen in isolation, to relations of force. We have moved back in
history, hiding behind national borders. It is simply unacceptable. It leads to
conflict and instability.
Thursday, 8 August 2019
Italy and its political clowns
It
would be an exaggeration to say that Italy has become a fragile democracy. The
governing coalition might be collapsing tonight or tomorrow, but the State institutions
are functioning. The President has the necessary prestige and authority. The
judiciary system works. And, in general terms, I think we should recognise that
public service is experienced and can be competent, if left alone.
It
is the political class that is in deep crisis. It has been like that since
Berlusconi´s time, in the 90s. His Forza Italia was a joke, inspired by his own
example and megalomania. And it created a lot of additional party clones, as time went on, including the
populist 5 Star Movement. It has also opened space to the ultra nationalist movements
to flourish.
In
this context, the real challenge is to see the emergence of different type of political
leaders. Unfortunately, that seems to be a very remote light, at this stage.
Tuesday, 18 June 2019
Europe and the Iranian situation
Iran
announced yesterday it intends surpass the uranium stockpile limit set under
the 2005 nuclear agreement. They want to do it by 27 June.
Obviously,
this is no good news. It brings the region to a new level of tension. For
Europe, it makes the EU’s political position on Iran untenable.
Actually,
the European position had already reached a dead end. Now, that is
indisputable.
Today,
Federica Mogherini is on her way to Washington. I do not know what she will
bring to the discussions with Mike Pompeo and Jared Kushner, the trusted
son-in-law of President Trump. But she has no room left. On one side, she is
confronted with an Administration that is determined to further tighten the
sanctions already in place against Iran. Not to mention, of course, the additional
military deployments to the Gulf region. On the other side, she sees a regime
and a leadership that are placing themselves against the wall, when the wise
move would have been to remain committed to the implementation of the nuclear
agreement.
In
my opinion, Mogherini, on behalf of the EU, has no choice but to be frank and
direct. Direct means diplomacy with clear words. Here, the message should be
that all sides must show restraint and accept to return to the negotiating
table. EU and China, with the support of Russia, could be the conveners of such
a negotiation.
On
her return from Washington, Mogherini should also travel to Beijing and Moscow.
Before that, she could meet the UN Secretary-General. That would send an
appropriate signal. And it is something the UN needs.
Friday, 14 June 2019
Hormuz tensions
Yesterday’s
attacks on two petrochemical tankers sailing in the vicinity of the Strait of
Hormuz should ring strident alarm bells. They make obvious there is a strong player
that is betting on escalating the tensions in the region. And the fact of the
matter is that we do not know who is playing such a destructive card.
We
can try to guess based on a careful analysis of some nations’ strategic interests.
However, at this stage to point the finger in one direction only contributes to
augment the tension. It is certainly not the wisest approach. It should not be
accepted.
The
UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, should step forward and offer the
organisation’s good offices to carry out an independent investigation of the
incidents. The International Maritime Organisation could be part of it. In the
meantime, he should dispatch a Special Envoy to the region. For instance, the
UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. That move
would help to lessen the regional political temperature.
Saturday, 5 November 2016
In support of democracy in Turkey
I
have a lot of admiration for the Turkish people that dare to come to the public
squares and streets to demonstrate for human rights and democracy. Besides this
appreciation, there isn´t much we can do, here in Europe, to support their risky
struggle. To recognise their courage is just a small gesture. It is however
important. It is a way of saying that the current actions by the Turkish
government do not respect the accepted democratic standards. And to that, we can
add, with great concern, a very clear statement: if the authorities continue
the current policy of mass repression that will generate, sooner or later, a
major civil crisis. Too bad, as it will happen in a region that is already experiencing major disruptions
and unacceptable levels of violence.
Wednesday, 2 March 2016
The EU crisis and Chicken Little
The EU sky is
not falling
This is a difficult time to be an optimist in
Brussels. It is even more challenging to advocate for a positive look at
European affairs. And it becomes almost impossible to talk about collective
hopes for a more united Europe in the future. Many will say such optimism
belongs to another epoch. Now, the dominant discourse is one that announces a
new catastrophe every week. Like Chicken Little, these so-called realists
shout, “The sky is falling! The sky is falling!”
As a contrarian, I want to maintain faith in the
European project. And be inspired by a forward-looking approach. The best way
to build a prosperous and safe future for all of us in Europe is through a
united endeavour. I say it whilst
realising the EU is at present facing two major crises. They crowd everything
else off the agenda, giving strong arguments to pessimists and those who are
against continuing the Union. I mean a possible Brexit and the realities of mass
migrations.
With the UK spinning further away from common
approaches and policies, arguments for integration and joint responses have
indeed become more fragile. In effect, such arguments are practically inaudible
because many leaders prefer to focus their attention on their own national
agendas. The silence of most of them on EU affairs is deafening.
The UK´s position has brought a lot of uncertainty to
the table. At this stage, nobody can predict the outcome of their referendum.
It is also difficult to forecast the consequences of a Brexit for the future of
the EU.
Nevertheless, the EU would survive a Brexit. Why?
Because the UK and the other member states have already learned to go their own
separate ways in many areas – the Euro, Schengen, labour laws, justice, and
internal security, just to mention a few. Perhaps the biggest worry is what a Brexit
would do to the British themselves, to the status of Scotland, as well as to
their tiny neighbour to the west, Ireland.
Brexit or not, the EU shouldn´t be too worried.
The larger question is about immigration. Can the EU
survive a continued and expanding mass migration crisis? Many believe it
cannot. We keep hearing that without a solution to the current migratory flows,
the EU will soon collapse. There is a good degree of exaggeration in the air.
The soothsayers of disaster easily capture the headlines. Obviously, the mass
arrival of refugees and migrants does pose major challenges and it is essential
to recognize this. It is a situation well out of control. Furthermore, this
crisis shakes the key foundations of the Union, its values and the role of
Europe in the international arena.
More importantly, the migration issue touches the core
of a vital dimension of European states—the question of national identity. The
people of Europe have shown that they are ready to give away a good number of
their sovereign prerogatives, accepting that Brussels can deal with them. This
has been the case in a wide range of areas related to economic management,
budgets, agriculture, trade, environment, justice, development aid, external
relations and other important matters.
Yet, they are not at all prepared to abdicate or
dilute their national features, language and everything else that creates a
people´s identity. Nor should they. Europe is a complex mosaic of languages,
cultures, nationalities and even prejudices. Yes, our views of our neighbours
are still shaped by prejudices in significant ways. History and many wars have
both divided us and created the diverse assortment we are today. Patriotism is
still, and will continue to be for a good while longer, far stronger than
pan-Europeanism.
All this must be taken into account. Populists are
effective in doing just this, trying to gain the political advantage in the
process by exploiting feelings of nationalism. It’s all a little more
complicated for an optimist.
This reality notwithstanding, let´s be clear about the
present crisis. Let´s imagine we had to face the current migratory
instabilities and frictions that the migrations have created in a past context
of separate nation states. We can readily assume that some of us would already
be at war with our neighbours. We would see coalitions of countries taking military
action against others, trying to defend their borders and their own perceived national
interests. We would be responding to the threats facing us with weapons drawn
upon one another. In the past, this challenge would lead to armed conflict and
chaos. We know that the long history of Europe has been written through a
succession of wars.
This all changed when the EU was established. Now,
disputes are taken to summits. Summits come and go, often without many concrete
outcomes. But, sooner or later, they end up by producing acceptable results of
one sort or another. We have learned to take the right decisions at the
eleventh hour, that´s true. But we have done so around a conference table and
through diplomacy. That´s the kind of lesson we should keep in mind as we get
closer to two more summits on the migration crisis: one with Turkey, on the 7th
of March and one among the EU leaders on the 17th.
Let´s keep talking and pushing for an agreement. From
the cacophony of diverse European voices and the play of varied interests,
action will follow. The most relevant contribution of the pessimists,
Eurosceptics and nay-sayers has been to
create a greater sense of urgency. Now, the optimists among us have to state
that there is only one answer to the big question on the table: Do we allow
this challenge to destroy the hard-won political and economic achievements of
the EU or do we build on these successes to constructively address this crisis
and, in the process, strengthen our union?
I am convinced that realism that will prevail. The European
sky isn’t falling.
Sunday, 29 November 2015
Celebrating the Pope in Bangui
The
visit of Pope Francis to Bangui should be highly commended. He took the right
decision, notwithstanding all the advice he got, from different countries and
institutions, against such a visit on grounds of security. He has shown that
leaders ought to be brave. That´s what people expect from leaders. He has also
sent the message that conflicts, even very dramatic crisis like the one the
Central African Republic experienced during the last two or three years, can
only be solved if national efforts are supported by the international
community. And that should be the case in CAR.
It
was also very sad to see that the media keeps referring to religion and
religious differences as the causes of violence in the country. The issue is
much deeper. Religion is just a tag, an identification of sides in conflict. The
true issues have to do with migrations into the country of pastoralists from
much further North, deforestation and climate change, threats to traditional farming,
livelihoods, and chaotic urbanization. And on top of all that, very low level
leaders for decades, very often with the protection of political elites from
Europe.
My
fear is that once Pope Francis has left Bangui the country will fall back into
the dark well of forgetfulness. It has been in that realm for so long.
Saturday, 11 July 2015
The Eurogroup has to take a decision that is clear
The
Eurogroup meeting of finance ministers is still on at the very end of this
evening. It has been a long meeting. And also a very tense discussion, from
what I can understand at this stage. All this shows that the EU is confronted
with a very serious crisis that has a major impact on Greece, of course, but
also on the rest of euro zone countries.
It
is time to be very balanced and to think positively. It is also time to be very
clear, in one direction or the other.
Major
crisis are complex matters, difficult to decide upon, but at the same time they
call for clarity. People want to know the direction things will take.
Thursday, 9 April 2015
Our little world
Our
part of the world is once again responding with indifference to the human
tragedies that are taking place in Syria and Iraq and to the deepening of the security
crisis around Yemen. As we remain unresponsive to so many other violations of
basic human rights.
Our leaders seem to be overwhelmed by our own
domestic problems, the media is focusing on Le Pen, the UK forthcoming
elections and the inability of the US local police to deal with the challenges
of multi-ethnicity in their towns, and we, the little people, we are just
trying to cope with the air control strikes and the taxes that keep falling on
us. Or preparing for the next holiday.
These
are indeed interesting times: the more we know about the world, and we know
plenty nowadays, the more we close ourselves in our little circles. The
information reaches us but we have learned to ignore it.
Tuesday, 6 January 2015
Greece: they will decide and we will talk with them afterwards
It
is unwise for the EU leaders to freely comment on the forthcoming elections in
Greece. It sounds like outright interference in the domestic electoral process.
The Greeks will decide, based on their own internal power dynamics. Then, and
only after that, the rest of the EU will see what comes next. There will for
sure a need for negotiations. And everyone knows that only reasonable people
with sensible negotiating standpoints can achieve results. Therefore, I believe
that both sides, the Greeks and the external partners, will negotiate with a
key concern in mind: these are no times to rock the boat. These are times of
great global uncertainty and judicious people in Europe understand the current trends
and circumstances. It would be a serious mistake for all of us if moderation
was put aside. Leadership, today, at the beginning of this New Year, is about avoiding
a race and an acceleration towards more confrontations.
Sunday, 29 December 2013
Sudan and South Sudan
For
those who know well the key political players in Khartoum, the capital of
Sudan, it is difficult to believe those leaders are not playing some games in
South Sudan. It is difficult to imagine they are keeping themselves at a
prudent distance and not trying to strike some deals with Riek Machar, the head
of the rebellion in the South.
The
opposite is more likely.
For
many reasons, of course, but above all for two main motives.
First,
Khartoum is in the middle of a dramatic economic environment. There is very
little foreign currency left, serious shortages of basic goods such as wheat,
high unemployment and uncontrollable inflation. They need the oil revenues to
keep flowing. And the wells are in the regions of South where Machar´s fighters
are stronger. For Khartoum it makes then a lot of sense to be on Machar´s side.
Second,
there are many in Sudan´s political establishment that have never accepted the
independence of South Sudan. For them, Salva Kiir and his group in Juba are
living reminders of the humiliation the North suffered. Whatever can be done to
make them in South Sudan pay for such humiliation of the “Arabs” in the Sudan
should not be missed. Creating havoc in the South is a good way of paying back.
Revenge
is a way of life and a leading political approach in this part of world.
Tuesday, 10 December 2013
Reconciliation in Mali
On
the day of Nelson Mandela Memorial, I found myself writing a few notes about
reconciliation in a post-crisis political process. The point was to look at
Mali’s situation and try to make some recommendations.
I
thought of Mandela, and started by saying that enlightened leadership at the
top level of national authority is fundamental. Then I added that that the
other levels of political responsibility need to change their approaches
towards the minorities as well and adapt a fair attitude that invites
inclusiveness. Finally, we need to put in place mechanisms of appeasement at
the community level, between neighbours, ethnic groups, local people. On a
daily base, that´s where the proof of the pudding takes place. At the
grassroots level.
Is
all this happening at present in Mali?
My
answer is very simple: I am afraid not.
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