The
decision to authorise the deadly attack on General Qassem Soleimani raises many
questions and opens the door to a few uncertainties. In my opinion, it was
taken in the wake of two events that the US Administration considered to be
especially striking.
One
was the attack by demonstrators close to the militias that Iran is supporting
in Iraq against the US Embassy in Baghdad. In Washington's ruling circles, this
incident is seen as very serious. It is also a reminder of dramatic memories, of
what happened in Tehran forty years ago. For the American leadership, the assault
against the embassy is something that cannot go unanswered.
The
other event was the naval military exercise that Iran carried out a week ago
together with China and Russia. The current American Administration did not
want any of these three countries to believe that such maritime manoeuvres
would have any chance of intimidating it or diminishing its resolve. And this
determination and firmness had to be demonstrated without any room for
misunderstanding.
In
deciding, President Trump must also have thought about the impact that such
forceful action would have on his electorate. This is a decisive political year
for him. He needs to show that he does not hesitate when it comes to respond to
those who are presented as the enemies of the United States.
But
we have several problems here.
One
of them is that acting to show strength, based on the principle of an eye for
an eye, a tooth for a tooth, is unacceptable. It opens the door to a spiral of violence
and throws away certain basic norms of relations between states. It is an
historic step backwards. You cannot build peace on retaliation. The
international community has other mechanisms to deal with conflicts and to make
governments that do not obey the established rules reflect.
Another
problem is that this type of decision cannot be taken without measuring all the
consequences that may follow. My analysis of Mike Pompeo's statements is that
these consequences have not been considered. The Secretary of State now talks
of lowering the tension in the region after an act that inevitably leads to an
escalation. It sounds like that neighbour who spends the night with the music
screaming and the next morning tells me on the stairs that we all need rest and
tranquillity.
A
third aspect has to do with the legality and morality of this kind of action.
These two sets of questions cannot be ignored. War itself has its rules. Several
academics have been addressing these issues. There are good pieces of
reflection written about conducting attacks with drones in foreign lands. And
the majority opinion seems to go in the opposite direction to what has now
happened.
Nor
can one ignore the discussion about the military doctrine behind the so-called
"decapitation" of hostile movements. I will not dwell on this
subject, but the truth is that the validity of the theory that advocates the
elimination of leaders to resolve a conflict has much to be said about. Let me
just refer that often the dead leader is replaced either by another leader that
is even more radical. In other cases, we witness a fragmentation of the
movement, with smaller terror groups acting on their own, and a new level of
danger, amorphous and more difficult to combat.
After
all, all this is far more complex than many would have us believe. And this
complexity increases exponentially when a character like Qassem Soleimani is
assassinated by a great western state.